{"id":14311,"date":"2026-09-29T08:00:00","date_gmt":"2026-09-29T06:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/webecpol.esade.edu\/?p=14311"},"modified":"2026-09-28T18:26:11","modified_gmt":"2026-09-28T16:26:11","slug":"growing-old-in-rented-housing-home-ownership-no-longer-protects-old-age-in-spain","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/webecpol.esade.edu\/en\/blog\/growing-old-in-rented-housing-home-ownership-no-longer-protects-old-age-in-spain\/","title":{"rendered":"Growing old in rented housing: home ownership no longer protects old age in Spain"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Key ideas<\/h3>\n

\u2192 Among households whose reference person is 65 or older, renting at market price has risen from 3.7% in 2008 to 5.5% in 2025.<\/p>\n

\u2192 At around age 35, 37.6% of Spanish households headed by people born between 1986 and 1995 rent at market price. The previous generation, at that same age, stood at 27.1%. The same ladder shows up in every age band where two generations overlap, between 29 and 74, although between 57 and 64 the gap is small.<\/p>\n

\u2192 So far, the gap does not appear to close with age. It narrows through the thirties and forties and, from age 50 onwards, barely moves.<\/p>\n

\u2192 Under the illustrative assumption that each generation keeps the gap it has today with the one before it, households aged 65 or over renting at market price would go from today\u2019s 5.5% to around 8% in 2035 and 13% in 2045. Without that gap (that is, if generations converged completely), they would stay at around 5.5%. The space between the two figures marks out the range of plausible scenarios.<\/p>\n

\u2192 A market-price tenant spends about a third of their income on housing at any age; an owner aged 65 or over spends 9%. Without rents at a price that leaves room to save, without other vehicles for building wealth and without more supply, that ladder ends in old age.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

The exception of the past<\/h3>\n

The Living Conditions Survey (ECV), run every year by Spain\u2019s National Statistics Institute (INE), asks every household about its housing tenure. Besides ownership, with and without a mortgage, it distinguishes three situations: renting at market price, renting below market price, and rent-free use, in which the household pays nothing because a relative, a company or an institution lets it use the home. This question allows a specific one to be answered: whether more and more older people live in rented housing, and to what extent \u2014 something especially relevant in a country where, over recent decades, the vast majority of the population reached retirement owning their home.<\/p>\n

Within renting, the survey distinguishes two situations. Renting at market price covers those who pay for their home what the market charges, even if someone later reimburses part of it. Renting below market price covers any rent under that price, which probably includes social or affordable housing and reduced rents to relatives or acquaintances; according to the questionnaire, it explicitly includes homes under renta antigua<\/em>. That term refers to residential leases signed before 9 May 1985. They are still governed, with some changes, by the 1964 Urban Leases Act, and the 1994 law limited how many times they can pass from one person to another: when the contract is transferred to a child, it expires after two years, unless the child has a disability of 65% or more.<\/p>\n

Among households whose reference person is 65 or older, below-market renting has fallen from 3.5% in 2008 to 2.3% in 2025. Market-price renting, by contrast, has risen from 3.7% to 5.5%. The chart shows how the two paths have crossed. In 2008, both forms of renting carried practically the same weight among households aged 65 to 74 and among those aged 75 or over. Since then, market renting has grown and below-market renting has receded. Among households aged 75 or over, the latter weighed more than the former in almost every year between 2009 and 2015; since 2016 the opposite has always been true, and in 2025 market renting is already double (4.6% versus 2.2%). In the band that will reach retirement over the next decade, aged 55 to 64, market renting has gone from 6.8% to 11.8%, while below-market renting has moved between 2% and 4%.<\/p>\n

\"Households<\/p>\n

That is the trend up to today, but what can be expected of the future? Approximating it matters because it could be argued that the high prevalence of ownership is what has protected Spanish old age from housing access problems: ownership has worked both as a savings vehicle and, later, as an inheritance. What follows tries to gauge whether that will still hold when the generations who are now 35, 45 or 55 reach that age.<\/p>\n

At the same age, more market renting<\/h3>\n

A first step towards answering this question is to compare each generation with the previous one when both were the same age. The ECV does not follow the same households year after year, but it does allow them to be grouped by the ten-year period in which their household head was born (1946-1955, 1956-1965, and so on) and each group to be tracked, wave by wave, as it ages. It is a method analogous to the one the Bank of Spain uses with the Survey of Household Finances to compare home ownership across generations (Barcel\u00f3, Bover, Crespo and Guirola, 2025<\/a>), applied here to renting at market price.<\/p>\n

\"Households<\/p>\n

Each line in the chart is a generation and each point a survey year. The lines do not cross: at any age, the younger generation rents at market price more than the one before it. The clearest comparisons come from looking at each generation in 2025 and the previous one in 2015, when it had the same average age. At around 35, 37.6% of households born in 1986-1995 rent at market price, against 27.1% of those born in 1976-1985 at that age: 10.5 points more. At around 45, the gap is 7.9 points (25.4% versus 17.5%); at around 54, 6.1 (15.9% versus 9.8%); at around 64, only 1.2 (7.7% versus 6.4%), a difference that is not statistically different from zero; and at around 74, 3.4 (6.2% versus 2.8%).<\/p>\n

Ownership gives the mirror image: at 35, 45.9% of households born in 1986-1995 own their home, against 58.6% of the previous generation at that age.<\/p>\n

One might ask whether this ladder simply reflects who manages to form their own household. It does not appear to, at least for these groups (it may well do for those under 30, whose rates of still living with their parents are markedly higher in recent periods): at the same age, the share of each generation heading a household, out of that generation\u2019s total, is very similar (40.5% of those born in 1986-1995 at around 35, against 43.7% of the previous generation at that age), and from 45 onwards the differences are two and a half points or less.<\/p>\n

Immigration, by contrast, does seem to play a part. Households headed by people born outside Spain rent at market price far more than those headed by people born in Spain: at around 35, roughly two out of three, against fewer than one in four. And their weight has grown among younger generations: they were 18.5% of households born in 1976-1985 when they were 35, and they are 31.7% of those born in 1986-1995 at that same age. For the question in this post, however, what counts is the whole, insofar as \u2014 at least for now, and barring return dynamics \u2014 it is reasonable to assume that a good share of those households will also grow old in Spain.<\/p>\n

The gap does not close with the years<\/h3>\n

If younger generations were merely delaying purchase, the lines in the chart would fall sharply as they approach 50 and the gaps would close. That is not what we observe. Households born in 1976-1985 go from 27.1% renting at market price at 35 to 25.4% at 45; those born in 1966-1975, from 15.7% at 38 to 15.9% at 54, peaking at around 18.5% between 42 and 48.<\/p>\n

When the same two generations are compared five years apart, the gap narrows sharply in the thirties (between ages 35-39 and 40-44 it goes from 15.1 to 9.4 points), considerably less in the forties (between roughly one and two points every five years) and, from 50 onwards, it holds with variations of a point either way; past 70 it even widens somewhat. Among households headed by people born in Spain, the exit from renting is considerably stronger: those born in 1976-1985 fall from 17.9% to 13.1% between 35 and 45, almost five points, against less than two for the whole. The aggregate line holds up partly because households headed by people born abroad come in.<\/p>\n

The only line that falls sharply is that of those born in 1986-1995, from 49.1% in 2017 to 37.6% in 2025. At first sight it looks like a real decline, concentrated in the pandemic: following the same households in the ECV panel, almost 12% of their market-price tenants became owners between 2020 and 2021, against between 3.7% and 7.6% in the other years. But it starts from a very small base, because in 2017 only 18% of that generation headed their own household, and since 2021 it has flattened out. Even with that one-off correction, which then settled into a dynamic similar to other generations\u2019, this generation is today 10 points above the previous one at the same age.<\/p>\n

If the gap holds<\/h3>\n

What does this imply for old age? A transparent way to see it is a conditional, illustrative calculation that assigns no probabilities to any scenario but approximates a range: assume that the generation reaching each age ten years from now keeps the gap it has today with the one occupying that age, and compare the result with a no-gap scenario in which today\u2019s age-specific rates hold.<\/p>\n

\"Households<\/p>\n

If the gap holds, households aged 65 or over renting at market price would go from 5.5% in 2025 to between 8.1% and 8.4% in 2035, and to between 12.6% and 13.5% in 2045, depending on how the starting gap is measured. With no gap between generations, they would stay between 5.3% and 5.5%. The shaded area of the chart covers the space between the two scenarios. Put differently: in the first case, the share of older households paying a market rent would multiply by just under two and a half in twenty years.<\/p>\n

This is not a forecast. The calculation does not incorporate changes in prices, in housing policy or in inheritances. But nor does it look like an exaggeration, given that, applied backwards over five-year horizons \u2014 which is what the ECV allows \u2014 the rule fell short or got it right, and never overshot. Between 2013-2015 and 2018-2019, for example, it would have anticipated 3.5% of older households renting at market price, and the observed figure was 4.5%. The calculation stops in 2045 because going further would mean projecting those born in 1986-1995, observed only up to age 35, which is precisely the age at which the gaps are still narrowing.<\/p>\n

Renting does not retire, nor does it turn into wealth<\/h3>\n

More households reaching old age as tenants would be a minor matter if renting and owning cost the same at every stage of life, and if ownership, with its higher cost up front, were not a crucial vehicle for building wealth.<\/p>\n

\"Housing<\/p>\n

The median household renting at market price spends between 29% and 35% of its income on housing across every age band up to 74, and 41% from 75 onwards, although this last figure rests on a small sample. For owners, spending falls from 13% between 25 and 34 to around 8% between 55 and 74. Among households aged 65 or over, the difference is 33.8% versus 9.1%. Owners\u2019 spending does not include mortgage principal repayment, which is not a cost but saving in the form of housing: it is precisely what the tenant does not accumulate.<\/p>\n

That gap shows up in the capacity to absorb shocks. Some 57.3% of older households renting at market price cannot face an unexpected expense, against 26.0% of owners their age. And it is not only a matter of income: the gap repeats across all five income quintiles; in the middle one, for instance, it is 47.5% versus 27.4%, albeit with only 88 tenant households in the sample.<\/p>\n

And it shows up, above all, in wealth. According to the 2024 Survey of Household Finances, median net wealth among households owning their main residence, across all ages, is 239,300 euros, against 6,400 euros under the other tenure regimes. The Bank of Spain<\/a> itself warns in its latest Annual Report that a high burden associated with renting a home can limit households\u2019 capacity to save, and that lower wealth accumulation would make younger cohorts more vulnerable to adverse macroeconomic shocks.<\/p>\n

None of this, incidentally, contradicts what we showed in Inquilinos cada vez m\u00e1s ricos<\/a>. There, tenants\u2019 average housing burden improved because lower-income households were leaving market renting. But that does not mean those who remain are not under pressure.<\/p>\n

What it would take<\/h3>\n

The problem is not necessarily accessing housing through renting, but reaching retirement paying a market rent without having been able to accumulate wealth by another route. If the gap between generations holds, that will become increasingly common. Three lines of action follow.<\/p>\n

The first is to expand renting at a price that leaves room to save. That requires, beyond encouraging and facilitating the construction of new housing, an affordable or social stock of a different order of magnitude.<\/p>\n

The second is savings and wealth-building vehicles designed for households that will not buy. For eight out of ten of today\u2019s older households, according to INE, the home already paid off has worked as their retirement savings. A generation reaching 54 with one in six households renting at market price needs another route to accumulate.<\/p>\n

The third is supply, which conditions the other two: without more housing, neither affordable renting nor buying will be within reach of those on the ladder today. They will depend exclusively on an inheritance which, moreover, arrives ever later as life expectancy rises, as we already warned in C\u00f3mo Espa\u00f1a est\u00e1 dejando de ser un pa\u00eds de propietarios entre las nuevas generaciones<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Methodological note.<\/strong> Data from the ECV 2008-2025 (INE), annual cross-sections grouped into a pseudo-panel that does not fully separate age, cohort and period effects. We follow INE\u2019s criterion: the household head, or reference person, is the person responsible for the dwelling, that is, the household member in whose name the deed or the rental contract stands, or to whom the dwelling has been ceded. Under this definition, the microdata reproduce INE\u2019s official series of households aged 65 or over by tenure (table 9994) to within one tenth of a point, and ownership by age in the 2022 and 2024 EFF with a mean error of 4.0 points. The ladder barely changes under other definitions: at 35 it is 10.1 points using the rule the Bank of Spain applies in the EFF (the titleholder or, if she is a woman living with her partner, the partner) and 10.2 if, in couples, the higher earner is taken. Ten-year cohorts as in Barcel\u00f3, Bover, Crespo and Guirola (2025); only waves with at least 400 households per cohort are used. The intervals, obtained by resampling households, do not capture the sample design, because the public ECV does not publish the strata and, since 2021, nor the clusters; they are therefore optimistic: the gap at 35 ranges from 6.3 to 14.4 points and at 64 from \u22120.5 to 3.0. In every wave, year of birth is grouped from age 86 upwards; since 2022 that open group falls within the 1936-1945 cohort, which is therefore shown only up to 2021. The 2020 wave was conducted by telephone because of the pandemic. Housing expenditure is the median total monthly outlay (rent, mortgage interest, utilities and service charges) multiplied by twelve, over the previous year\u2019s disposable income. The 2035 and 2045 scenario applies the rule by five-year age groups, with the gap measured between 2015 and 2025 in a single wave or in three-wave averages, and age weights aged forward using observed household survival; the 2045 figure also uses gaps measured at ages 45-49, which still narrow somewhat, so it may slightly overstate it.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Key ideas \u2192 Among households whose reference person is 65 or older, renting at market price has risen from 3.7% in 2008 to 5.5% in 2025. \u2192 At around age 35, 37.6% of Spanish households headed by people born between 1986 and 1995 rent at market price. The previous generation, at that same age, stood […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10,"featured_media":14299,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nGrowing old in rented housing: home ownership no longer protects old age in Spain - Center for Economic Policy - EsadeEcPol<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"http:\/\/webecpol.esade.edu\/es\/blog\/growing-old-in-rented-housing-home-ownership-no-longer-protects-old-age-in-spain\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_GB\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Growing old in rented housing: home ownership no longer protects old age in Spain - Center for Economic Policy - EsadeEcPol\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Key ideas \u2192 Among households whose reference person is 65 or older, renting at market price has risen from 3.7% in 2008 to 5.5% in 2025. \u2192 At around age 35, 37.6% of Spanish households headed by people born between 1986 and 1995 rent at market price. 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